David Eby spoke encouragingly at the British Columbia Natural Resources Forum in Prince George last month when he pledged his government would expand and expedite resource development and find new export markets in the wake of American tariffs.
The premier reiterated much of what he wrote in an op-ed in Business in Vancouver the same week, such as the “responsible, sustainable development” of the resource sector. His words were clearly intended to reassure and instill hope in leaders and experts in the resource sector who are anxious about the future with Trump back in the White House.
On Feb. 1, United States President Trump imposed 25 per cent tariffs on imports from Canada, except oil and gas, which is subject to a 10 per cent tariff. He also slapped Mexico with a 25 per cent tariff on imports and applied a 10 per cent tariff on Chinese imports. All tariffs were to take effect on Feb. 4, although, as of press time, Mexico had gotten a 30-day reprieve.
[Note: Minutes after publishing, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced Canada, too, had negotiated a 30-day pause on the tariffs, subject to certain conditions.]
Eby’s words about stepping up resource development, no matter how sincere, cannot overcome the vast array of red tape, laws, and federal interference that have for years stymied healthy growth in B.C.’s resource sector.

Whether it is his own government’s regulations placed on forestry and mining, their opposition to crude oil pipelines dating back to John Horgan’s first term, or the difficulties created by Ottawa’s Impact Assessment Act, B.C. cannot become a bigger resource powerhouse overnight.
One area that the NDP has been supportive of, in their own measured, regulation-heavy way, is the liquefied natural gas industry. Last year, the provincial government saw Cedar LNG through to its final certificate of approval.
The next big LNG drama in B.C. is the beleaguered Prince Rupert Gas Transmission (PRGT) pipeline, which is intended to supply Ksi Lisims LNG near Prince Rupert. Co-owned by the Nisga’a Nation and Western LNG, it is currently under review by Eby’s Minister of Environment, Tamara Davidson, an activist newly elected in last fall’s election.
In January, Eby laid out $69 billion in estimated impacts on the B.C. economy over the next four years, which he predicted could send the province and country into a recession. He said the province needs to reduce its dependency on American markets but fell short of committing to expand LNG production to do that. He did concede Phase Two of LNG Canada is “under active consideration.”
If LNG Canada gets the green light, the Coastal GasLink pipeline has capacity to carry the additional gas needed to Kitimat for liquefication without the need of additional environmental assessment approvals.
Eby government must remove barriers to development
With Trump’s tariffs in effect beginning Feb. 1, the BC NDP government has promised to address the necessity of expanding export markets for commodities produced in, or passing through B.C. This won’t happen overnight, and the province will suffer fallout from the tariffs in the short term.
Existing barriers will further undermine this goal unless they are addressed.
The federal government is responsible for one of the biggest obstacles to resource development in the provinces. Passed in 2019, the Impact Assessment Act (IAA) doubled the regulations and approval processes required for resource projects under provincial jurisdiction.
Besides adding federal red tape to the many provincial layers, the IAA grants power to the federal environment minister to override provincial and local directives to make critical decisions on projects.
It’s not the first time Ottawa has put barriers in place against resource development in B.C.
Back in 2018, the then first-term Liberal government of Justin Trudeau banned oil tanker traffic from the northern coast, effectively killing the Northern Gateway pipeline project, which would have pumped crude oil to Kitimat for export.
Ottawa’s intrusions into B.C. resource development policy have made the province a hard sell for investors compared to neighbouring jurisdictions like Alberta or the U.S.
Resolving differences has never been simple
Another challenge is the intersection of Indigenous and resource sector priorities, where there is as much disagreement as there is collaboration.
Nations like the Nisga’a and the Haisla are enthusiastic participants in the LNG industry, while bodies like the Union of B.C. Indian Chiefs (UBCIC) back the tanker ban and oppose projects like Northern Gateway.
UBCIC Grand Chief Stewart Phillip briefly backtracked last week from his previous stance against the pipeline when he mused in a press conference about the possibility of now supporting construction of Northern Gateway. Within 24 hours, he did a U-turn on his backtrack in a statement from the UBCIC that reaffirmed the organization’s opposition to the pipeline.
Considering that each First Nation has its own economic and environmental goals, disagreement is expected and the balancing act for the B.C. government, delicate. For example, the Gitanyow oppose the Nisga’a-backed PRGT project, which crosses disputed land.
The passing of the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA) put pressure on the government to consult more genuinely with Indigenous communities regarding economic development. Last spring, the BC NDP attempted to develop Land Act amendments which critics charged would effectively give First Nations veto over the use of Crown land. Public lands are the source of most minerals, fuel, and other natural wealth.
However, some Indigenous voices like former Haisla chief councillor and BC United MLA Ellis Ross have argued that DRIPA is more like a set of guidelines, than binding rules.
Resolving differences between First Nations, or between Crown and Indigenous nations, has never been a simple, timely or frugal process. This reality is unlikely to change, even if the B.C. government fully backs the resource industry.
Given the lack of consensus on resources development displayed within the BC NDP itself, complete support is unlikely. Unlike Eby’s predecessor John Horgan, an old-school, blue-collar NDP politician who worked in sawmills and cut his teeth under the resource-friendly Glen Clark, Eby made his name as a community activist in urban Vancouver.
The NDP has a strong environmentalist wing, and while in government, the party has damaged its relationship with other industries including forestry, along with the workers in it. Restrictions on old-growth logging and uncertainty in the fibre supply have led to much discontent among rural forestry workers.
Leaders in the industry have attacked the government for fostering an atmosphere of distrust and uncertainty, while BC Conservative leader John Rustad labelled the situation “permit paralysis.”
Meanwhile, investment has left the province, causing mill closures and job losses. Voters in many once-bright orange ridings where forestry plays an important part in the local economy, turfed their BC NDP MLAs in the 2024 election.
Government can’t please everyone
Attempting to satisfy both environmentalists and industry may be a losing battle for the NDP from an electoral standpoint. This challenge is compounded by most rural seats now being held by B.C. Conservative MLAs, some of whom Eby indicated he won’t work with unless he deems their views “acceptable,” apparently referring to their stances on social and culture war issues.
Refusing to work with MLAs who represent constituents in resource sector ridings could further deepen his party’s alienation, particularly in rural areas.
But Eby’s recent renewed focus on natural resource development could signal a major shift in how the NDP approaches economic growth, something the premier admitted his government has neglected emphasizing. “If anything, NDP governments have to say it twice as much that we understand and prioritize this,” Eby told stakeholders.
Unfortunately, sentiments are not a magic wand.
The barriers remain, some the premier can control, and others he cannot. For example, the Impact Assessment Act remains within federal purview, as does the north coast tanker ban.
On the other hand, the NDP’s interpretation of DRIPA, its forestry restrictions, and carbon pricing, are within the B.C. government’s power to alter. But the gap between expressing strong support for the resource sector and actually overcoming the challenges standing in the way of its growth is vast.
In the wake of a protectionist and aggressive second Trump presidency, Eby’s legacy as Premier may well be defined by whether he can turn his intentions for resource development into reality quickly enough to blunt the worst of the economic turbulence ahead.